Lifting of Iran sanctions will
help Tehran resume its oil swap transactions with Russia, Turkmenistan, and
Kazakhstan. That, in its turn, will enhance Iran’s foreign policy influence in
the Caspian region.
In early July this year, a
regular round of Iran Nuclear Programme talks between the Six (US, Germany,
Great Britain, Russia, France, and China) and the government of Iran were
successful.
At that meeting in Vienna, all
parties approved a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action that would put an end to
the sanctions imposed on Iran by the West in 2006-2009.
The new document needs yet to
be approved by the UN Security Council. In case of a favourable decision, the
sanctions can be lifted 90 days after such a decision.
The American sanctions imposed
against Iran under the ISLA law have resulted in Iran practically becoming an
outcast country that was removed from many energy projects, including Caspian
oil exports.
While the new document is
still being reviewed in the Security Council, many countries are already
considering the new options of cooperation with Iran that will become available
should the sanctions be lifted. Such countries include, first of all, the
Caspian littoral states of Russia, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.
With the fifth largest proven
reserves in the world (99 billion barrels), Iran possesses considerable own oil
resources. However, swap transactions make sense to Iran in its effort to
provide crude to the northern and central parts of the country, whose oil
fields are located mainly in the south. Swap proves to be the most economical
way to achieve that.
In addition, it is important
that such transactions may contribute to an increased foreign policy weight of
Iran in the Caspian region and Central Asia.
It is because of those
considerations that Iran has been favouring swap transactions, inviting
Azerbaijan, Russia, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan to cooperate with it. In its
time, Iran had spared no expense to build a state-of-the-art terminal in the
sea port of Neka that had been specifically designed for swap transactions with
the Caspian countries.
For example, oil from
Kazakhstan or Turkmenistan was transported in tankers to the Iranian port of
Neka and then pumped through pipelines to Teheran and Iranian refineries.
Russia joined the SWAP transactions later, bringing in its considerable
volumes.
Iran – Russia
In 2002, swap transactions
with Iran brought a $167.45 million profit to the Russian company LUKoil.
Subsequently, in 2003, LUKoil management began negotiating a long-term contract
with the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) to increase the annual swap up to
1 million tonnes.
Swap with Iran was opening a
new avenue for Russia to increase its oil exports. Russian crude was processed
at the Iranian refineries in the north of the country to meet the internal
demand. In return, Iran provided the equivalent quantities of its oil to Russia
at the Persian Gulf terminals.
Not only did this model helped
Russia’s aggressive entry to the international markets, but it also made Russia
a major exporter of Caspian oil. With Iran’s help, and without having to create
the necessary infrastructure, Russia, represented by LUKoil, had received
access to the Asian markets through the terminals of the Persian Gulf.
However, the Iran sanctions
closed that opportunity for Russia. According to the experts, in case of a
favourable development leading to the lifting of the sanctions, Russia may
resume the beneficial swap transactions, especially with the current low oil
prices urging the companies to look for new and cheaper ways to export.
Kazakhstan – Iran
It should be noted that, in
spite of the sanctions, and maybe not as active as before, the interaction of
Astana with Teheran still continued, mainly thanks to the proximity of
Kazakhstan’s’ western provinces to the Caspian Sea.
For example, the 2014 foreign
trade turnover of the Mangistau province alone (western Kazakhstan) with the
Islamic Republic of Iran was $35.7 million, and in January-May this year –
$11.6 million. The province has 15 registered joint ventures in transport, food
industry, and commerce with Iranian participation.
Interestingly, two weeks after
the historic meeting in Vienna, word came that Kazakhstan was considering
building its 4th refinery in the Mangistau region with participation of Iran.
The local media, with reference to the provincial akimat (mayor’s office – note
by author), reported that the local authorities were already discussing the
project with the Iranian side.
While the sanction lifting
decision is still pending, Kazakhstan is already calculating the economics of
resuming swap transactions with Iran, – Kazakhstan’s First Prime-Minister and
Minister of Energy Uzakbay Karabalin told New Europe in an interview.
Prior to the sanctions, the
two countries used this form of cooperation extensively. According to the
official data, the volume of SWAP between Kazakhstan and Iran was 3.5 million
tonnes.
It also provided an added
benefit to Astana who received an opportunity to enter the Asian markets
through the Persian Gulf terminals.
“That was a good move and a
good deal,” Karabalin said.
At the same time, according to
the vice-minister, no swap transactions can be resumed until a final decision
is made on the lifting of the sanctions.
“First, we should take
politics into account. We cannot risk our oil and gas industry by getting
ourselves into some sorry pickle. We must have a firm business and direction.
Second, we should calculate the economic benefits,” Karabalin said.
He explained that, in spite of
the equal volumes being exchanged, Iran charged a certain fee for swap. The
reason is the quality of Iranian oil. It is very light by its composition,
which is highly valued in the world markets. Therefore, it is more expensive
than Kazakhstan’s oil.
“The question is what the
payment for the SWAP transactions is going to be. It’s true that any business,
including the oil and gas one, takes a very pragmatic approach to such
questions. Business goes where profit is,” Karabalin said.
Besides, the Caspian Pipeline
Consortium is carrying out an expansion project to increase the throughput
capacity of the pipeline from 35 million tonnes a year to 67 million tonnes.
Already, a lion’s share of Kazakhstan’s crude goes to the export markets
through Russia by this pipeline.
“So today the question is what
is more beneficial for Kazakhstan: to export its crude through CPC to the Black
Sea or to resume SWAP with Iran? To decide that, we need to evaluate the
economic expediency of both options,” the vice-minister said.
Now that the question of
lifting of Iran sanctions is on the homestretch, Iran perseveres in attempts to
offer its territory for exports of Caspian crude, trying to become a member of
international energy projects.
Iran – Turkmenistan
Turkmenistan and Iran are
neighbours on the Caspian Sea, and they share a long land border. According to
Iran’s data, the annual trade turnover between these countries is about five
billion dollars, and it may double in the near future.
Recently, the President of
Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdymuhamedov clearly stated Ashgabat’s stance with
respect to Teheran: “In accordance with its neutral state status, and in the
interests of global peace, progress and constructive development, Turkmenistan
intends to continue partnership with all states, including its nearest
neighbours”.
The current potential of the
Turkmen-Iranian cooperation is based on the centuries-long traditions of
friendship and good neighbourliness. Over the many years of cooperation, a
number of major projects have been completed.
Both parties name the
Korpedje-Kurt Kui gas pipeline that was put in operation in 1996 as the most
important one of those projects, followed by the Dauletabad–Sarakhs–Khangiran
gas pipeline. Also, Iran imports Turkmen electricity.
While the sanctions were in
force, Iran was not wasting its time. In 2007, Teheran, Ashgabat and Astana
signed an agreement on construction of a main rail road,
Uzen-Gyzylgaya-Bereket-Etrek-Gorgan. The Kazakh and Turkmen sections of this
main railway are already completed, and the Iranian section is near completion.
Test cargo runs have been conducted, as well.
The
Uzen-Gyzylgaya-Bereket-Etrek-Gorgan main is also an important link of another
major project – the North-South transnational transport corridor.
The purpose of the North-South
corridor is to provide transit connection through Iran for Northern Europe and
Russia with the countries of the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean, and South-East
Asia. The future cargo traffic on the North-South transnational corridor is
estimated at 35 to 40 million tonnes a year.
The experts are certain that
this project will give rise to a new geo-economic space that will connect
Central Asia and the Caspian countries with the Black Sea region and South
Caucasus, with further access to the Baltic countries and Europe, and on the
other side – to the states of the Persian Gulf and South-East Asia.
http://www.neurope.eu/article/iran-eyes-caspian-central-asian-markets/